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THE UNIONS

 It's said we should learn from our history. In the case of the coal miners of Cape Breton, not only have they learned, they haven't forgotten. The history of their union is one filled with unrest, battles and death. The stories are passed from generation to generation so that the union's history is as vivid for today's miners as for their forefathers who lived it.

Coal mining in Nova Scotia has never been easy. Miners fought every step for fair wages, working conditions and benefits. Along the way some of the most bitter fights were with each other as two unions battled for supremacy.

 It was 120 years ago that a plan to cut the Springhill miners' salaries in half prompted the formation of the Provincial Workman's Association. It was the first trade union in North America and was incorporated by an act of the Nova Scotia legislature in 1881.

That same year, Robert Drummond toured Cape Breton as an agent of the PWA to organize miners on the island. He found miners working long hours for low wages and paying high prices at the company stores. By the end of 1881, half the miners had joined the union, but it wasn't easy. People were afraid to disobey the companies, for good reason. Basically, they belonged to the companies, lived in company houses, and bought supplies in company stores. The early years of the union were devoted to improving the living conditions of miners.

In 1909 the PWA faced a threat, not from the companies, but from another union. The United Mineworkers of America arrived. It wanted control of the coal miners and it had the money to finance the battle. The PWA fought hard, partly for survival, but also, in true Cape Breton fashion, because it distrusted anything or anyone "from away". The companies supported the PWA for other reasons. They feared the miners would be controlled by an American union and demand American wages. It can also be argued, it was to their advantage to have the two unions fighting each other rather than the companies.

The UMW did manage to organize some mines and in the summer called a strike from Inverness to Glace Bay to gain recognition. The PWA miners continued to work and even supported the companies' decision to call in the militia. It became a recurring theme. The miners went on strike and the military and police arrived in force.

 The strike dragged on. The UMW paid a miner $2 a week, his wife $1 and each child 50 cents. The company cut credit at its stores and threw families out of company housing. Strike breakers were brought in from Belgium, Montreal, Scotland, Wales, Newfoundland and even rural Cape Breton.

It didn't stop there. The strikers were condemned in the press and each Sunday from the pulpit. It was all too much, by November only 500 men remained on strike and by April of 1910, the strike was over. It had failed.

Support for the UMW collapsed, but seven years later it rose again when the PWA failed to get fair wages. Supporters of each union would literally fight underground as their executives fought over the right to represent the coal miners. In the end, the two realized the only way to succeed was to join forces and in 1917 they formed the Amalgamated Mine Workers of Nova Scotia. This new union would oversee some of the most turbulent years for Cape Breton coal miners. The early 1920s were roaring, but not in the traditional sense.

The PWA did leave a legacy. It gained legislation to improve safety in the collieries and the right to have miners' committees inspect mines. Other laws gave the miners the right to appoint their own checkweighman and be present at coroners' inquests.

 Today these appear to be small steps, but at the turn of the century they were giant accomplishments for a union. These were not unions as we know them. They were writing their own rules, running their own show, and fighting for basic rights. The fight wasn't for pay increases, it was for the status quo as the companies time after time slashed wages.

In 1920, the Dominion Coal Company was sold to a new company, the British Empire Steel Corporation or Besco. Within the year it cut wages by two thirds. The union won an injunction against the cut, but Besco successfully appealed. The miners had no choice but to work for just a fraction of their former pay.

The Gillen Commission was set up in 1922 to resolve the wage problem. That year the Dominion Bureau of Statistics estimated it cost a miner 90 per cent of his earnings to pay rent and feed his family. Contract workers actually paid more for rent and food than they received in weekly wages.

The commission didn't resolve anything and Besco cut wages by 30 per cent. The local union called a slowdown strike. The Company Stores cut credit to the employees during the strike. The international union refused to support the slowdown, but the men paid no attention and cut production by one third.

Unlike the strike of 1909, this one was relatively peaceful. Miners were allowed to stay in their houses, but again the militia was called in. About 1,200 of His Majesty's Cavalry arrived in Cape Breton and set up machine gun nests around the collieries. The strike lasted eight months and in the end the men returned to work with an 18 per cent cut in pay from the 1921 rates and contract men received an increase of 52 cents a day.

Local UMW president Dan Livingstone wrote: "The wage schedule was accepted under muzzles of rifles, machine guns and the gleaming bayonets with further threatened invasion of troops and warships standing to. The miners, facing hunger, their Dominion and Provincial governments lined up with Besco, the men were forced to accept the proposals."

 But the labour unrest continued. Just one year later, in June of 1923, workers at the Sydney Steel plant went on strike for union recognition. In July provincial police officers attacked a group of people and used their feet, hands, iron bars and horses to intimidate the crowd which consisted mostly of women and children. The confrontation prompted the miners to go on a political strike to protest the use of armed forces. The federal troops were called in.

Union president Livingstone and secretary J.B. McLachlan were arrested and jailed for their part in promoting a sympathetic strike. The international union took over the local and refused to provide strike pay. The miners were ordered back to work and slowly they did return, but not for long.

In January of 1924, their contract expired. All the union wanted was a contract restoring wages to 1921 levels. In response, the company cut wages by 20 per cent and the miners walked out. That strike was settled in April.

In 1925 American coal was underselling Cape Breton coal in the Montreal markets. To stay competitive, Besco cut wages by 10 per cent and on March 6th, 1925 the miners went on strike again. It would prove to be the most bitter and deadly.

At the very start, Besco vice-president J.E. McLurg said, "We hold all the cards ... they (the miners) will have to come to us ... they can't stand the gaff." The statement infuriated the strikers who became even more determined to prove McLurg wrong.

The company again refused to give the men credit at its stores. This time sympathy was with the miners and their families. Independent merchants continued to give credit, fishermen contributed their catch, the British Canadian Cooperative donated $500 and in Boston, expatriate Maritimers formed a Cape Breton Relief Committee.

 Even with the extra support, the strikers were suffering. The town of New Waterford was particularly hard hit. The town's water supply and electricity came from New Waterford Lake, a few miles from the town. It was controlled by Besco police who terrorized people by charging through the town on horseback, ignorant of anything or anyone in their path.

On June 11th, about 3,000 men and boys gathered in the town and marched toward the power plant. They were met by 100 armed police and the so-called Battle of Waterford Lake began. The crowd attacked the police, hauling them off their horses and beating them. The men said they were driven to battle because the water and power to their homes and school had been cut off. Some officers actually jumped into the lake and swam to the other side for safety. Others stood their ground and fired into the crowd.

Three miners were shot. Gilbert Watson was hit in the stomach. Michael O'Handley was wounded and trampled by horses. William Davis was fatally shot in the heart. The tragedy is remembered each year on June 11th when workers around the province mark Bill Davis Day.

The battle prompted the new Conservative premier, E. N. Rhodes, to get involved. He met with Besco officials on July 16th. The police force was withdrawn and the wage set at the 1922 level, a reduction of six to eight per cent. In August the miners voted to accept the Rhodes' proposal.

The strike lasted for 155 days. J.B. McLachlan was quoted as saying, "Under capitalism, the working class has but two courses to follow: crawl - or fight." The coal miners of Cape Breton remember and continue to fight.

FROM ~ CBC

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